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  • I’m Miguel Centellas, a political science professor at Mount St. Mary’s University. Because of academic interests, I post frequently on Bolivian politics. I also occasionally discuss interesting books, pop culture, and daily life in Baltimore.
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Another proposed presidential election reform

September 20, 2007
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Today’s La Razón reports another potential modification to Bolivia’s presidential electoral system: lowering the minimum threshold for the presidential winner (from 50%+1 to 40%+1). There’s nothing inherently un-democratic about this move—since all thresholds are arbitrary conventions. Still, the opposition (the article cites a PODEMOS spokesperson) clearly sees this as an attempt to ensure Evo’s reelection (MAS is also seeking indefinite reelection of incumbent presidents) in light of his declining popular support in opinion polls.

The 40%+1 rule would only kick in if no candidate wins an absolute majority (50%+1) of the valid popular vote and the second runner up is behind by at least 10% of the vote. Thus, this rule is essentially little different than the set of provisions used in Nicaragua. In the even that the first place winner doesn’t win 50%+1 and the second runner up is behind by less than 10% the president would be elected by a second round runoff election.

My objection to this system is that this solution may not work well in a highly fragmented party system. Currently, Bolivian politics appears polarized between MAS & PODEMOS, but that’s only superficial. There are a number of smaller parties (both w/in & w/out the MAS & PODEMOS “big tents”) that suggest that a more “parliametnarized” style of politics may be more beneficial. Regardless of the runoff or a 40%+1 provisional threshold, Bolivia desperately needs an electoral system that encourages moderated multi-party politics & coalition building.

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Comments

Whatever the demerits of the proposal, it sounds a lot better than a system that permitted Goni to become president with only 22% of the vote in 2002.

Posted by Justin September 23, 2007 6:39 PM

    There may certainly be some weaknesses to the "parliamentarized presidential" system in the still-current constitution. But people (who don't understand Bolivia's unique electoral system) often get hung up on the 22%.

    Goni won 22% of the valid popular vote. That certainly was a low figure, by typical presidential standards. But the Bolivian executive is not a typical presidential one. Currently, in the absence of a 50%+1 valid popular vote, a joint session of the newly-elected legislature (which is elected concurrent w/ the presidential ballot) convenes to name a president from among the two candidates who received the most popular votes. This, btw, is the same kind of system under which Allende was elected in Chile in 1970 (when he only won 36.2%).

    This is significant for two reasons:

    1) The legislature is actually elected in a "fused ballot" system (here it is different from the pre-1973 Chilean system). The senate & half the lower house is elected directly from the presidential ballot itself. In each department, the party w/ the most votes wins two senators & the party w/ the second most votes gets one senator (there are three senators per department). Half the lower house is elected in first-past-the-post (FPTP) single seat districts (SSDs); the other half is elected using proportional representation (PR) formula based on the votes for presidential candidates. Prior to the 1997 election, the entire lower house was elected in this fashion. This makes for a "parliamentary" style ballot.

    2) To select the new president, the legislative parties wheel & deal to make compromises that build a coalition. Yes, there is a great deal of clientelism involved (some times more than at others), but this is also how governments are formed in most of Western Europe. The end result is that the new president can count on a legislative majority coalition from which to form a new government.

    So, while Goni won only 22% of the popular vote, his government counted on the support of a majority in both chambers of the legislature. Not including NFR (which later joined the coalition), Goni counted on 54.6% of the lower house & 62.9% of the senate.

    Interestingly, during the early negotiation process, both MNR & NFR made overtures to Evo Morales for a possible coalition agreement. Manfred, in particular, was keen to block the MNR (which had campaigned heavily against him). All the while, MIR was sitting on the fence. It is possible, that had MAS not made it clear that it would not ally w/ anyone, then it is possible (though I believe unlikely) that Evo could have been president in 2002 w/ a MAS-MIP-NFR-MIR-PS coalition behind him.

    Posted by mcentellas September 24, 2007 9:56 AM


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